本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-10-27 07:44 AM 編輯
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1 D% i! g4 R- k5 U四中全會｜耶大教授：中共「依法治國」的真正意思
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美國耶魯大學法學院教授兼該校中國法律中心主任葛維寶（Paul Gewirtz），就著近期香港爆發連串的民主抗爭，被中國官方《人民日報》標纖為「非法」及呼籲維護香港的「法治」，以至用「依法治國」為主題的四中全會，於《紐約時報》撰文，談及中國如何理解法治（rule of law）這個原則。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。- {# N7 g: `2 j: m4 e- }
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葛維寶的文章題為＜中國眼中的法治＞（What China Means by “rule of law”），開宗明義提到《人民日報》強調香港的佔領者「違法」，並呼籲大眾維護「法治」，從而令人想到當權者想用法律來控制與規範社會。話雖如此，大陸對於所謂法治的解讀，比起《人民日報》此前所說的，可謂更為錯綜複雜。葛維寶認為，即使今天四中全會空前地以「依法治國」為重點，但這並不代表中國會有真正的司法獨立，也不代表中國會有政黨輪替，而司法制度改革的最大制肘，正是在中國一黨專政的體制當中。由此可見，在四中全會之後，所謂的「依法治國」，將是強調以法律來維持社會秩序的施政方針。
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' K$ o% v+ c/ r8 J5 \ J" @" ]不過，比起國家主席習近平經常引述的法家思想，「依法治國」實在有更深遠的含義。葛維寶指出，中國現時的法律及社會制度早就比二千多年前的法家社會
/ u7 r, E% L8 w4 C7 f2 n/ vTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。大相逕庭，加上近年中國亦屢歷改革，領導層亦意識到需要變更管治手法，才能適應公眾期望，是以他們所謂的法治，也逐步走向「現代定義」。文章解釋，當下中國對於從前「法治」的釋義，已經對於原初立國時的定義有所不同，甚至更為豐富：使用死刑的次數比從前少約一半，而且也有較好的程序處理相關判刑；新的《刑事訴訟法》（Criminal Procedure Law）亦已被採納，讓被告及疑犯得到更高保障；「再勞教」的制度亦告取消。凡此種種，中國司法的公開性和透明度是有進步的。3 f/ ~1 N5 Z1 V3 E3 d9 L* q
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可是講到憲制主義，即憲法高於黨的地位，在中國仍然是一個未能觸及的領域。隨著中國一系列改革，反映政府與人民的關係也因「透明度」提高有所轉變；TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。% N8 F) R; g+ H2 [# i/ D
然而，也有很多批評者覺得，中國官員屢次「妖魔化」憲政，繼而架空憲法的行徑，是最終不能有效看待法制改革的幕後黑手。葛維寶補充，目前中國並無有效機制確保憲法得以有效實施，是為一大缺陷，但可幸的是，這種敏感議題，至少在此時此刻，能夠讓有關方面藉此機會作出討論。
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7 j! s) D N$ |( q6 q0 B; E7 Q公仔箱論壇簡單來說，「依法治國」的意思是確立一個制度，不單是用來約束社會及其騷動，也是用來約束政府自身。最後，葛維寶總結，「依法治國」的方針並非是要公仔箱論壇* C+ ~, C( W' ^% I( K Y
推翻以往所說的「和諧社會」政策，也並非要對於異見分子－－諸如西藏及新疆－－的打壓。在中央領導人的眼中，「和諧社會」是一個造就穩定經濟發展、脫貧的施政策略；而「依法治國」，則是一個讓中央領導人窺看法治何以促進社會穩定的契機，進而履行法制改革。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb5 W2 M% g# I% V0 n) R9 A- Q1 c
o& Z, q7 e% J I! }; U6 BTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。葛維寶稱，在中國同樣包含了很多反對改革制度的社會人士，無不令改革派受到阻礙；對此，他認同中國改革的步伐與進程。4 ^9 ?$ `/ s+ i2 R
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TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。8 o) x A; {& A; i) k: T* V
What China Means by ‘Rule of Law’
3 Z4 d# i( ~) `- j4 S V8 g. w公仔箱論壇By PAUL GEWIRTZTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。9 h0 i# L" g# N
2 C0 a/ d0 _& E, {' J4 @) Vtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbNEW HAVEN — Two weeks ago, with the democracy protests in Hong Kong in full swing, China’s official People’s Daily newspaper labeled them“illegal” and called for protecting “the rule of law” in Hong Kong. Such statements left observers with little doubt about a central meaning “the rule of law” has in the People’s Republic: the Communist Party’s use of law to control and regulate society.; u& X( `9 y( v" v1 p/ a
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Yet there’s plenty of evidence that China sees the rule of law in far more nuanced and complex ways. Today the Communist Party’s 18th Central Committee starts its Fourth Plenum, and the main topic will be the rule of law in China — the first time in party history that a meeting with the authority of a plenary session will focus on the rule of law. And there are reasons for a measure of optimism that the plenum will demonstrate more complex views about the roles law can play and also take meaningful steps to advance new legal reforms.
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Of course, legal reform has major limits in China’s one-party authoritarian system. There won’t be true judicial independence. All bets are off whenever the party sees a threat to its continued power; steps toward the rule of law don’t mean steps toward multiparty political democracy, which China’s current leaders totally resist. When the plenum issues its report, it will surely underscore that one central role of law is to maintain social order.
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But, contrary to what pessimistic observers have predicted, the plenum is not likely to treat law as merely a tool for the party to control Chinese society, a throwback to the “Legalist School” of philosophy from 2,200 years ago which President Xi Jinping seems fond of quoting. Chinese society and its legal system have already changed too fundamentally for that, and the current regime led by Mr. Xi has already signed onto many reforms and even adjustments in ideology that represent positive steps toward a modern system of rule of law. These changes aren’t just window-dressing; they reflect the leadership’s recognition that it needs to improve governance, address widespread public grievances, and respond to public opinion.
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; V# q6 L1 g, _" z4 H: J, dtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbConsider some legal reforms that have been made in just the last few years. Use of the death penalty has been cut roughly in half, with improved procedures for deciding on its use. A new Criminal Procedure Law has been adopted, providing significantly more protections to suspects and defendants. The odious system of “re-education through labor” has been abolished (though, to be sure, what will replace it is still not clear).TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。! y9 G' ]# }/ B, d4 B7 b d7 }
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A sea change has taken place in government transparency, with important requirements of open government information changing the relationship between the state and citizens. Zhou Qiang, the strong new president of the Supreme People’s Court,recently issued a five-year judicial reform plan promising to enhance court independence from interfering local governments, increase judicial openness and transparency, improve fairness to individual litigants, and further professionalize judging.
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3 d' N6 Q* @3 C' C7 ]公仔箱論壇Some critics point to recent official statements demonizing “constitutionalism” and ask how can China be serious about legal reform if it denigrates or sidelines its own Constitution. In fact, “constitutionalism” has become a code word for a specific idea: importing Western political democracy, which China’s leaders will not accept. But as for the Constitution itself, Mr. Xi recently called it China’s “fundamental law” and said that to “govern the nation by law means to govern in accordance with the Constitution.” China currently has no effective mechanism for enforcing its Constitution — a major deficiency — but at least that crucial topic is now being openly discussed.9 r y/ w a- C8 S. a* d
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China’s leaders see improving the legal system not simply as a way to control society but as away to rein in wayward bureaucrats, insist that local officials carry out national policies, establish rules of the road for a more robust economy,provide peaceful ways for citizens to resolve disputes and seek redress for grievances, reduce the corruption that’s seen as the greatest threat to the Party’s continued hold on power — in short, to constrain government itself, not just to control society and contain social unrest. Mr. Xi may have been playing to the crowds when he recently spoke of “locking power in a cage,” but it was a recognition that the party needs to constrain some of its power in order to keep it.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb0 H \) k% G j4 F, D- G- H1 F
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Moreover, China’s maturing legal community, as well as ordinary Chinese citizens, follow these developments carefully, so expectations have been raised. Failure to deliver and actually enforce reforms would create a destabilizing push back on China’s leaders. The most convincing reason for outsiders to be cautiously optimistic about these developments is that many legal figures within China, like the revered legal scholar and reformer Jiang Ping, have written about the plenum with cautious optimism.
- H$ X: e' f7 Y) T* _This is not to say that China is about to abandon its preoccupation with “social stability,” which too often means silencing or imprisoning peaceful dissenters and activists who blow the whistle on some of the country’s many woes, including environmental degradation, abuses of power and needless policies against Tibetans and Uighurs.. But in the eyes of China’s leaders, social stability is what enabled China to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in a mere few decades, generate huge economic growth, and peacefully re-establish China as a major power among nations. The prospects for legal reform will be greatly enhanced if China’s leaders come to see how the rule of law itself contributes to social stability.
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Above all, we should recognize that every reform made or promised in China, even in a regime that contains factions opposed to reform, provides an opening for a large group of scholars, activists, reform-minded officials, as well as ordinary citizens to push to implement the changes and to find new openings for reform. The constraints are real, but so are the dynamics for producing ongoing reforms.
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Paul Gewirtz is a professor of law, and the director of the China Center, at Yale Law School. |
發表於 2014-10-27 06:42 AM
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