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標題: [時事討論] 退休法官王式英：大學條例任由CY隻手遮天　港人應團結爭取修例 [打印本頁]

作者: felicity2010 時間: 2015-10-18 08:41 AM 標題: 退休法官王式英：大學條例任由CY隻手遮天　港人應團結爭取修例

退休法官王式英：大學條例任由CY隻手遮天　港人應團結爭取修例

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編按：本文按王式英在《立場新聞》發表的英文文章 UNIVERSITY AUTONOMY, ACADEMIC FREEDOM & INDEPENDENT GOVERNANCE 為藍本撰寫。
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在 George Orwell 名著《1984》中，文化教育機構叫做「真理部」。它牆壁上刻劃口號是：戰爭即和平；自由即奴役；無知即力量。「真理部」教授的都是政府認可的「真理」，除此以外不容公眾作他想。用今日的話講就是兩個字：洗腦。! N! _; E3 y7 P/ v7 `7 j+ I7 Z2 H+ ?

眾所周知，中共洗腦。連中國人自己也知道，因此他們才會把中宣部等審查機構戲稱為「真理部」。2014 年，一名騰訊網編輯因在網上聲稱收到「真理部」的指令，被炒。

香港人從來深知抗拒洗腦。2012 年，「反國教」運動成功抵禦政治意識滲透香港中學。至於大學，過去好歹一直保有學術自由，直至今年起，傘運後：os.tvboxnow.com' O1 _9 i2 R) a6 _# u! s

3 月 20 日，梁振英委任前教育統籌局局長李國章加入港大校委會，85% 港大教職員對他表示不信任，並稱他為「惡霸」；
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9 月 29 日，香港大學校務委員會涉因政治理由及梁振英干預，否決由前法律學院院長陳文敏出任副校長；9 e/ o" P2 K" t: o

10 月 9 日，梁振英委任何君堯及陳曼琪出任嶺大校董會，前者曾於傘運期間發起「保衛中環」行動，讚揚警方表現克制和善，後者則曾代表潮聯小巴申請旺角佔領區禁制令，嶺大學生會形容梁振英使嶺大「群魔亂舞」。
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然而香港人不甘做順民。同樣在 10 月 9 日，多達 4000 人在港大中山廣場集會。他們打著「堅守院校自主　不容黑手介入」的旗號，抗議校委會否決陳文敏出任副校長。劉進圖、吳靄儀、林夕等人，到場支持，輪番上台發言。
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其中也包括高等法院原訟庭前法官王式英。一頭白髮，身穿黑襯衫的他，手執講稿，在台上滔滔演說。作為一個資深司法界人員，他看「院校自主」的問題，從法律講起；提出的解決方案，也從法律出發。* \; |1 b! k! _; I
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My emphasis is on autonomy, guarenteed by the Basic Law; academic freedom, guarenteed by the Basic Law...The governance must be in the hands of each university.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb- C6 o6 t- ~, Y0 H  @

《大學條例》違反《基本法》原則+ L1 h: h+ J- v/ |0 _+ K

王式英首先引述《基本法》第 137 條：tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb# G, d" Z' i% N
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各類院校均可保留其自主性並享有學術自由，可繼續從香港特別行政區以外招聘教職員和選用教材。宗教組織所辦的學校可繼續提供宗教教育，包括開設宗教課程。
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這一條本應能夠給香港足夠保障。問題就在於，現行《大學條例》對香港院校的「自主性」與「學術自由」，與其說是保障不足，莫如說是埋下殺機。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。2 `0 W% B( c6 m1 x, p! N/ u  y

王式英以港大為例，直言「條例賦予特首極大權力」。他不僅有權任命七人加入校務委員會，其影響力更延伸至由校委會任命的另外六人。換句話說，特首可直接或間接委任的校委會成員，高達十三人。os.tvboxnow.com, @5 A2 v9 [" f: u4 r: X- X
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「因此，特首對校委會決策、學校和老師的政治取態，有相當程度的影響。」

不僅如此，王式英指出，法例更容許梁振英任命港大最高管理人 — 校委會主席。事實上，翻查八家大學的法律條例，均可發現各校的最高管理人，均由特首委任。此外，梁振英亦同時掌控委任多家院校約半數人員甚至更多的權力。（詳看文首圖片）
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因此王式英定讞，現時大學條例完全不符合《基本法》原則，亦令中共可對主導香港核心價值的機關 — 大學 — 施加決定性影響。
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其實《大學條例》早已沿用多年。過去之所以無風無浪，是因為人民相信特首不會「有權用盡」。而過去，特首亦確實不曾有權用盡。

直至現在。「沒有人預計過，特首會以政治理由，如此動用大學相關法律權力。」王式英認為，是來自中共的政治壓力、港府的施政困難與及因雨傘運動而起的嚴峻政治氣氛，令形勢改變。正如梁振英在本月 12 日公然道：「條例不單止給行政長官有若干指定權力，亦給行政長官一些指定的責任。行政長官作為香港首長和政府首長，不能迴避這些責任。」

王式英以此作回應：「由一名親北京、極不得港人信任的政客使用這種政治權力，正是香港現時面對的矛盾之處。」

修訂不應各校各法　而是全港責任

根據王式英觀察，由於現時八家大學均各自受其特定條例約束，面對梁振英干預，各校學生會與校友亦選擇各自表態，發起修例行動。王式英認為此舉儘管可行，只是在八大戰場打的，都會是一場硬仗。「這是正確而長遠的行動嗎？」王式英問。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb; H9 K# s! R! \
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他認為，與其各自為政，還不如團結一致。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb) K3 M3 H" m4 X' c5 y$ H% \  q
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「香港人能夠、亦應該團結起來，一同討論大學管治這個最重要的議題。」王式英說，《大學條例》不只限於大學，而涉及公共領域，因為大學除了是培育下一代的土壤外，更是香港司法獨立的未來。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb) q3 N( j4 m$ i5 N
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「大學自主及司法獨立的關係，比許多人想像的要更實在、更重要。」他直言，以港大法律學院為例，倘若它「未能享有獨立自主權利，香港的未來律師及法官，又如何能保有獨立思考？」事實上，王式英認為正因港大法律學院的獨立精神對雨傘運動有所貢獻，中共才會感到不滿。

因此大學自主是全民的事，修訂大學條例也不應各自為政，而要全民一同參與。
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「香港必須抓住這個根本問題。」他說。「這個問題需要一個劃一答案。」

王式英為全民參與解決大學政治干預的問題，概略提出一張路線圖：首先港人應一同討論，完善的《大學條例》應該是怎樣的模樣。其次，大家要討論如何達到這個目標。他認為，香港必須在未來數星期內行動，引發公眾參與。例如大學可以組織論壇，並作現場轉播，讓全港市民可以看見。

他認為，若港人能夠取得共識，那政府便可望依從人民意願，進行立法。王式英預料中共及港府肯定會動用所有力量，阻止港人表達訴求，「但終究港人意志才是最重要的。當公眾真正發聲，提出他們的訴求，當權者終將面對，否則便須承擔惡果。」公仔箱論壇: L3 i" o3 T- k0 S) b: G5 \0 ]% ~

為下一代努力公仔箱論壇- ]- `3 u$ _; m( u+ |

王式英說，司法機關及大學，作為香港核心機構，均對港人的生活方式、價值及信念，至為關鍵。這些機構雖以公帑支持，但不是特首及中共的政治工具。恰恰相反，港人應對它們特別保護，以免它們被逼受特首和他的「主人」隨意擺佈。TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。* y! d1 L6 y6 q6 A: T) O8 G
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「為高等教育付鈔的納稅人，應對香港公立大學的獨立管治有發言權，保障它免受政治干預。」他強調，不管是親政府還是反政府、親共還是反共的人，都不應在特首的操作下，大量加入學校管理機構，否則將難以避免政治操控嫌疑。5 ?3 z& L, H  _( W. U) J- r
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「我們須為下一代努力。」他說。「這是我們的當務之急。我們必須密切注視事態發展，並確保它盡快 — 展望在六個月內 — 得到解決。」

作者: felicity2010 時間: 2015-10-18 08:44 AM

UNIVERSITY AUTONOMY, ACADEMIC FREEDOM & INDEPENDENT GOVERNANCE

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1 Article 137 of the Basic Law reads:-

“Educational institutions of all kinds may retain their autonomy and enjoy academic freedom ….”os.tvboxnow.com9 }9 Y8 B- {& [" T( o% d6 h2 p

2 No one in Hong Kong or Beijing can dispute that university autonomy and academic freedom together with judicial independence form the core values of Hong Kong and provide the vital basis for its success.

3 The connection between the autonomy of the university and independence of the judiciary is more real and important than most people realize. Without the Law Faculty having the benefit of independent HKU governance, where will Hong Kong find our future top Hong Kong lawyers and judges with independent thinking and high learning./ [' i2 |4 G( k8 r
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4 It is not fully appreciated by the Hong Kong public, how closely the Law Faculty of HKU worked with the Hong Kong Judiciary.  Judges (including myself when I was a Judge) took on the public role of being Chief Examiners of PCLL at HKU. The Law Faculty of HKU regularly organized lecture series given by Hong Kong Judges, visiting NPJs or distinguished foreign legal scholars.  So much of the public law jurisprudence in Hong Kong was enriched by the scholarly contributions of the Law Faculty of HKU which was admirably led by Professor Johannes Chan for many years. Therefore it is no surprise that Professor Johannes Chan, SC was given the unique distinction of being appointed the first and only Honorary Senior Counsel by the HK Judiciary. (see Bar Chairman Edward Chan, SC tribute at the Silk Ceremony on 10th May 2003)

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5 Judicial Independence and judicial excellence in public law go hand in hand with the HKU Law Faculty strength in public law.  The independent spirit of the Law Faculty of HKU of course contributed to Occupy Central and this is the cause of Beijing displeasure.  But it is the same independent spirit and high standard of the HKU Law Faculty which produced for Hong Kong, our top lawyers, legislators, Judges and professors. Political interference, diminishing of the HKU autonomy and deliberate political curtailing of the free Hong Kong intellectual spirit and academic freedom will cause long term and serious damage. To ensure future university autonomy and academic freedom, we owe it to our next generation that the future governance of the publicly funded universities be free from political interference and be truly independent.

6 The students of the various publicly funded universities in Hong Kong are reported to be organizing themselves to poll within each university, the students’ views on seeking amendments to their respective governing university ordinances. This is one possible route for reform. But is it the right long term approach?

7 We have 8 statutory universities in Hong Kong, each governed by a particular Ordinance.  The list of the 8 statutory universities with their governing Ordinances are:-/ g5 Z! R( w2 F7 O9 M$ l

8 Take for example the case of HKU with its Cap. 1053 University of Hong Kong Ordinance. Section 12(3) of that Ordinance provides that the Chief Executive shall be the Chancellor of HKU. Under Statute XVIII of that Ordinance, the Chief Executive as Chancellor is given the enormous power of appointing 7 persons to the Council including one of the 7 as Chairman of the Council. But the Chief Executive’s political influence does not stop at only the first 7 members he appoints, but also extends to 6 persons to be appointed by the Council. So it means that 13 persons of the Council are appointed, directly and indirectly, by the Chief Executive. No question of election.  Therein lies the enormous power by the Chief Executive to wield the political influence on the Council decision making and to shape the political composition of the University and its teachers.  This is wholly incompatible with the Basic Law and with the present feeling of Hong Kong that Beijing should not poke its nose into Hong Kong core value institutions.

9 Take for example another university with a Law Faculty. Under the Chinese University of Hong Kong Ordinance, the Chief Executive as Chancellor has the power under Statute 11 paragraph 1(k) to appoint 6 persons to the Council.  Under Paragraph 11 however there are provisions for many other members of Council whose appointment are indirectly controlled or influenced by the Chief Executive.  The political power of the Chief Executive on Chinese University Council appointment is very substantial, although not as overwhelming as at HKU.公仔箱論壇; Q) l) l/ U% A  S0 L$ K; ?
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10 City University is the third university with law teaching.  Under the City University Ordinance, the Chief Executive as Chancellor has the power under Section 10(f)(ii) to appoint 7 members to the Council and to appoint to the Council not more than 8 members on the recommendation of the Council. The political power of the Chief Executive on City University Council appointment is very substantial.os.tvboxnow.com9 q" }9 Q/ M2 B0 ?8 N' T6 r0 n# o
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11 Finally take the example of the recent controversial appointment by the Chief Executive of two particular political members to the Council of Lingnan University.  The Lingnan University Ordinance dates only from 1999 and is drafted very much in favour of the Chief Executive. Under Section 12 of that Ordinance, the Chief Executive has direct control of appointment of a total of 18 members under 12(a) and 12(b) and indirect influence on appointment of 7 members under 12(c).  The Chief Executive has a  predominant control of the Council of Lingnan University.

12 This wide political power of the Chief Executive on the governing Council also applies to other publicly funded universities.. n  j$ v. \' x& s" i# L3 h
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13 No one previously had expected that the statutory powers relating to the publicly funded universities in Hong Kong would be so politically used by a Chief Executive.  But Occupy Central and the hard CY Leung political regime under a new Beijing political leadership have changed everything in Hong Kong, including university governance.
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14 The Chief Executive, CY Leung in his recent political statement made it very clear that the existing statutory powers relating to the universities are to be used by the Chief Executive and he will do so.  The use of such statutory power by a politician who is so close to Beijing and so distrusted by the people Hong Kong is the present dilemma of Hong Kong.

15 Of course amendments of each University Ordinance can be made, with battle fought by the Chief Executive against each such proposed amendment. There will be a situation of divide and rule where each university will be doing the best for itself.  The recent hard line history of CY Leung and Beijing suggest that Hong Kong institutions of higher learning will be sucked further into the political nightmare common to all controversial public matters in Hong Kong.
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16 However, consideration can be given to another approach.  Hong Kong people can and should come together to discuss this most important matter of the future governance of universities in Hong Kong which has a direct bearing on the future of their children’s high education and in my view, also the future of judicial independence in Hong Kong.  It seems to me that we in Hong Kong must grapple with the fundamental problem, which requires a uniform solution, on the essential necessity of preserving university autonomy and academic freedom, all across HK institutions of higher studies which are publicly funded.1 f( o9 M& [4 Q4 B
17 Core institutions like the Judiciary and the Universities are publicly funded but that does not mean that these core institutions should become political vassals of the Chief Executive or Beijing.  In fact quite the contrary. The more important these core institutions are to the value and way of life and belief of Hong Kong people, the more they must be protected from political interference or attempts to change their nature to the new taste and requirements of the Chief Executive and of his master, Beijing.
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18 Hong Kong’s people common objective must be that the people of Hong Kong who pay for higher education, should have the real say in the independent governance of all HK publicly funded universities, free of political interference, namely outlawing the Chief Executive or any pro-Government/anti-Government or pro-Beijing/anti-Beijing person or persons having the power to stack any University Council with members of  political inclination.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。0 z) z: t, n- p6 Z( P

19 The exact shape and content of the proposed new or amending legislation should be publicly discussed by all the people of Hong Kong.  That would then have to be followed by public discussion and decision on the difficult route to attain the desired objective. How these will come about with public participation should be the immediate engagement of Hong Kong in the next few weeks.  It might be worthwhile for our universities to organize one or more large televised forum meetings where the whole subject (objective and means) can be openly discussed and conclusion on the way forwarded drawn. If large consensus is reached, then hopefully the Government will follow the will of the people and enact the necessary legislation. No doubt the Government and the Chief Executive will resist this move with all its powers at its command.  Beijing will be expected to work closely with the Chief Executive to frustrate and to stop this initiative for independent governance of the universities.
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20 But the will of the people of Hong Kong is what counts at the end and public opinion when it shows its true demand will ultimately prevail or if not, then there will be dire consequences.4 G0 v* L2 _  C$ T( {5 K& x( X: Q
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21 The governance of the publicly funded universities in Hong Kong should be political neutral, free of political bias and truly independent like the Judiciary of Hong Kong. os.tvboxnow.com- m" @6 w. H: K0 x' g2 |/ a# q1 h, G

22 This is the urgent task in front of us and we should all keep our eyes firmly on that ball and ensure it is done as soon as possible, hopefully within the next 6 months.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。' w$ S. [5 _2 k# r

William Waung
Dated 15th October 2015

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