# t& y" Q+ {" R* W/ G1 c' A" @os.tvboxnow.com25年，彈指一揮間，當年的激情深深地沉澱在心底。但每一次想起「六四」，在悲痛之餘，也想起當年北京市民和學生流的血和香港市民流的淚。它們同樣閃爍着良知的光輝，超越一代人的記憶，照亮我們的心靈。每一年在維園舉行的悼念「六四」晚會上的點點燭光，就像當年在長安街頭和天安門廣場犧牲的英靈的目光，為我們執著良知的堅持作見證。望着燭光，就像在黑暗中見到光明。我不知道還要堅持多少年才會見到一個民主中國，我只知道不能讓心靈內的良知熄滅，因為這是一代人的責任，也是這一代和下一代的希望。 + g: `1 j# f: ^ S; d0 N: ros.tvboxnow.comos.tvboxnow.com- j6 ?7 J1 R6 n) p9 I# U
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盧子健 公共事務顧問作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-5-28 06:27 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-5-28 06:32 AM 編輯 $ ^. x3 _+ s3 {0 O9 ~& e1 W4 ttvb now,tvbnow,bttvb ( d/ H" j! {; u- cTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Minxin Pei (裴敏欣) : Surviving Tiananmen ! m1 V6 i5 t! W% G公仔箱論壇 / P) ^$ [( i# a# A8 L; e0 e# h0 q* Los.tvboxnow.com$ C7 Z1 X6 O. L1 } c
HONG KONG – It may be hard to imagine, but 25years ago, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was nearly toppled by a nationwide pro-democracy movement. It was the late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping’s steely nerves and the tanks of the People’s Liberation Army – dispatched to enforce martial law and suppress the protests in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square – that enabled the regime, at the cost of several hundred civilian lives, to avoid collapse.( u& h6 x# J6 M! Y+ k/ b( D
On the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 4, 1989, two questions stand out: how has the CCP survived the last quarter-century, and can its rule endure for another 25years?os.tvboxnow.com6 U: W9 r2 E B& G+ t% ]
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The answer to the first question is relatively straightforward. Policy adjustments, clever tactics of manipulation,and a healthy dose of luck enabled the CCP to win the support it needed to retain power and suppress destabilizing forces.公仔箱論壇: [/ H1 Q! [: V+ _
/ U& R0 K' L+ Q fTo be sure, serious mistakes were made.Following the massacre, China’s conservative leaders attempted to reverse the liberalizing reforms that Deng had initiated in the 1980’s, plunging the Chinese economy into recession. And the Soviet Union’s implosion in 1991 caused a panic in the CCP.公仔箱論壇, `. X' g( T7 i( C
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But Deng again managed to save the Party.Mustering all of his energy and political capital, the 87-year-old leader revived pro-market economic reforms, unleashing an economic revolution that delivered an unprecedented wave of growth and development, thereby boosting the CCP’s credibility considerably.5 p* |: b# \6 q: j1 Y, g/ n
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Deng and his successors buttressed this trend by granting Chinese citizens considerable personal freedoms, fueling the emergence of a culture of crass consumerism and mass entertainment. In this new world of “bread and circuses,” it was far easier for the CCP to regain public support and suppress the opposition. Carefully orchestrated moves to promote Chinese nationalism and exploit xenophobia also helped. , {2 m$ b0 D. Y2 ~8 B) B公仔箱論壇! i" c' \* m I5 F4 ?! m, A
Even repression, the mainstay of the regime’s survival, was fine-tuned. China’s newly acquired wealth enabled its leaders to build one of the world’s most technically sophisticated Internet firewalls and equip its internal security forces with the most effective tools. 8 m3 H% F+ O. t, |' G$ V0 H & v1 B7 a2 o8 E) Y; W, [! jTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。In dealing with China’s small but resilient dissident community, the regime depends on the strategy of “decapitation.” In other words, the government eliminates the threat posed by leading opposition figures by jailing them or forcing them into exile, regardless of their prominence. Liu Xiaobo – who won the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize – was sentenced to11 years in prison, despite worldwide protest.3 D$ ?' f: C: S+ z4 D
7 p$ s' g( d7 jos.tvboxnow.comHowever cynical, the approach has worked. But the CCP might not have been quite so successful had it not gotten lucky in a few critical areas. For starters, the post-1992 reforms coincided with a surge of globalization, which provided China with massive capital inflows (about $1 trillion in foreign direct investment since 1992), a slew of new technologies, and virtually unimpeded access to Western consumer markets. China thus became the workshop of the world, with its exports rising more than tenfold by 2007. ) g+ M0 r9 z8 `8 y公仔箱論壇TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。! k1 E$ `% t8 S3 x
Another factor that worked in the regime’s favor was the so-called demographic dividend (an abundant labor force and a relatively small percentage of children and elderly dependents). This provided China with plentiful low-cost labor, while saving the government large expenditures on pensions and health care.TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。& M( k, z, p$ B9 J
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The problem facing the CCP now is that most of the factors that enabled it to survive since Tiananmen either have already disappeared or are headed in that direction. Indeed, for all practical purposes, pro-market reforms are dead. A kleptocracy of government officials,their families, and well-connected businessmen has colonized the Chinese state and is intent on blocking any reforms that might threaten their privileged status. 8 f# A; m, S& w% T5 yTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 # p8 p4 `- o& l, H' {Moreover, the CCP can no longer count on rising prosperity to sustain public support. Rampant corruption and rising inequality, together with obvious environmental decay, are causing ordinary Chinese – especially the middle class, which once had high hopes for reform –to become increasingly disillusioned.1 e7 { Z8 N; }7 P9 ^, l$ T
9 f3 z" Z: C$ q2 D/ OAt the same time, given rapid population aging, China’s demographic dividend has all but dissipated. And, given that China is already the world’s largest exporter, with more than 11% of the global market share, there is little room left for export growth in the coming years. & b2 J F& w2 [ Q公仔箱論壇That leaves only repression and nationalism in the CCP’s post-Tiananmen toolkit. And, indeed, both of them continue to play a central role in President Xi Jinping’s strategy for ensuring the Party’s survival.# q p ^- K6 x/ o5 _
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But Xi is also experimenting with two new devices: an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign and an attempt to revive pro-market reforms. So far, his war on corruption has made a bigger impact than his plan for economic reform. M* }+ N# l+ n- d0 D2 l- A 4 T" J) l4 p0 ~0 wOn the surface, Xi’s strategy seems sound.But waging war on corrupt officials and pressing for deep reforms aimed at dismantling China’s kleptocracy will inevitably bring Xi into conflict with China’s political and economic elites. The question is how he can overcome their resistance without rallying the Chinese people, whose political mobilization could endanger the one-party system.$ l0 o2 C7 q* Z4 g
( [- \4 N2 q# b7 ITVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。The CCP defied the doomsayers after 1989: It survived and preempted any further threats to its power. But the odds that it can hold on for another quarter-century have grown long – and are unlikely to improve. ) s* ~; i4 ]1 k1 K3 Mos.tvboxnow.com ) G# O" p% K5 e5 e+ u- b t, ~7 H8 ~os.tvboxnow.comMinxin Pei is Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna College and a non-resident senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States.公仔箱論壇& j1 ?# _/ N6 H( \" r$ A6 X
