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標題: [時事討論] 基辛格:中美兩國要避免重陷冷戰 偉亮 [打印本頁]

作者: felicity2010    時間: 2011-1-16 07:15 AM     標題: 基辛格:中美兩國要避免重陷冷戰 偉亮

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2011-1-16 07:17 AM 編輯
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* M' \5 p  U4 x1 P4 }os.tvboxnow.com基辛格:中美兩國要避免重陷冷戰  偉亮tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb* O9 ?3 X3 g9 L0 l4 h- R6 Y
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中國領導人胡錦濤下周到訪華盛頓之前,美國許多重要人物就兩國關係發表看法。在中美建交中起到關鍵作用的美國前國務卿基辛格星期五(
14日)在《華盛頓郵報》發表文章,呼籲兩國避免再次陷入冷戰。
4 j% A' k& T- w# _" ETVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。

- ?+ X/ c0 R. n1 f2 mos.tvboxnow.com他在文章中說,"我遇到的大多數政府以外的中國人和政府中的一些人,似乎都確信美國想遏制中國,制止其崛起。美國一些戰略思想家也要求關注中國經濟在全球影響力的增加以及中國不斷增長的軍力。" 但是,基辛格警告兩國不要重回冷戰,"當核擴散,環境,能源和氣候等問題需要一個全面的全球解決方案之際,雙方之間的冷戰將導致國際社會必須選擇站在哪一邊,將分歧擴展到各個地區的內部政治中。" 他說,一個國家的崛起並不一定伴隨衝突。"20世紀的美國就是一個例子,一個國家可以不需與當時佔主導地位的國家發生衝突就可以強大起來。"
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9 A6 a5 O% ^8 Y4 yTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。基辛格在文章分析了美中兩國各自的心理狀態。

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"美國做事一貫的態度是它覺得自己可以隨意參加或撤出國際事務。而對中國來說,過去是沒有主權平等這樣的概念。直到19世紀末,中國一直把外國看成蠻夷。在歐洲軍隊打開中國大門前,中國從沒有遇到過可以和自己相比的國家。中國直到1861年才建立外交部門,而那時也只是主要用以對付殖民入侵者。" 此外,兩國對處理問題的方式也不同。
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( U% `$ ?2 c4 o0 _+ ~9 a公仔箱論壇他說,"美國發現大多數問題是可以解決的。中國則傾向認為幾乎沒有問題可以有最終的解決方案。美國的辦法是解決問題。中國則願意控制矛盾,不承認問題是可以解決的。" 基辛格在文章的末尾表示,中美兩國關係的現實是「雙方都無法戰勝對方,而雙方如果發生衝突,將耗盡各自的國力」。
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8 E4 {# q, U% W他對胡奧峰會的期望是「其目的應該是創造一個尊重與合作的傳統,以便他們未來的接班人繼續認為把建立世界新秩序當作兩國共同的工作是符合他們利益的。
作者: felicity2010    時間: 2011-1-16 07:16 AM

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2011-1-16 07:23 AM 編輯
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Avoiding a U.S.-China cold war by Henry A. Kissinger- ^8 c5 J& I( c! x0 S/ N# m
Friday, January 14, 2011
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The upcoming summit between the American and Chinese presidents is to take place while progress is being made in resolving many of the issues before them,and a positive communique is probable. Yet both leaders also face an opinion among elites in their countries emphasizing conflict rather than cooperation.
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: H  K9 e/ R2 A, \( v# CTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Most Chinese I encounter outside of government, and some in government, seem convinced that the United States seeks to contain China and to constrict its rise. American strategic thinkers are calling attention to China's increasing global economic reach and the growing capability of its military forces.
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Care must be taken lest both sides analyze themselves into self-fulfilling prophecies. The nature of globalization and the reach of modern technology oblige the United States and China to interact around the world. A Cold War between them would bring about an international choosing of sides, spreading disputes into internal politics of every region at a time when issues such as nuclear proliferation, the environment, energy and climate require a comprehensive global solution. os.tvboxnow.com9 h& j% R' A9 o; k6 d

: n" I. t/ h6 C) |- n* F公仔箱論壇Conflict is not inherent in a nation's rise. The United  States in the 20th century is an example of a state achieving eminence without conflict with the then-dominant countries.Nor was the often-cited German-British conflict inevitable. Thoughtless and provocative policies played a role in transforming European diplomacy into a zero-sum game.
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" C6 c. O$ B2 }' M% o9 S$ {tvb now,tvbnow,bttvbSino-U.S. relations need not take such a turn. On most contemporary issues,the two countries cooperate adequately; what the two countries lack is an overarching concept for their interaction. During the Cold War, a common adversary supplied the bond. Common concepts have not yet emerged from the multiplicity of new tasks facing a globalized world undergoing political,economic and technological upheaval.
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That is not a simple matter. For it implies subordinating national aspirations to a vision of a global order. / p5 ]& k2 z9 H4 o$ ~; t9 }
Neither the United States nor China has experience in such a task. Each assumes its national values to be both unique and of a kind to which other peoples naturally aspire. Reconciling the two versions of exceptionalism is the deepest challenge of the Sino-American relationship. tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb% s# }' F6 Q1 J
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America's exceptionalism finds it natural to condition its conduct toward other societies on their acceptance of American values. Most Chinese see their country's rise not as a challenge to America but as heralding a return to the normal state of affairs when China was preeminent. In the Chinese view, it is the past 200 years of relative weakness - not China's current resurgence - that represent an abnormality.
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America historically has acted as if it could participate in or withdraw from international affairs at will. In the Chinese perception of itself as the Middle Kingdom, the idea of the sovereign equality of states was unknown. Until the end of the 19th century, China treated foreign countries as various categories of vassals. China never encountered a country of comparable magnitude until European armies imposed an end to its seclusion. A foreign ministry was not established until1861, and then primarily for dealing with colonialist invaders. 公仔箱論壇$ M7 B( u5 ?3 k! v) d5 X9 H

1 t: ]  P' H2 s3 x, F公仔箱論壇America has found most problems it recognized as soluble. China,in its history of millennia, came to believe that few problems have ultimate solutions. America has a problem-solving approach; China is comfortable managing contradictions without assuming they are resolvable.
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American diplomacy pursues specific outcomes with single-minded determination. Chinese negotiators are more likely to view the process as combining political, economic and strategic elements and to seek outcomes via an extended process. American negotiators become restless and impatient with deadlocks; Chinese negotiators consider them the inevitable mechanism of negotiation. American negotiators represent a society that has never suffered national catastrophe - except the Civil War, which is not viewed as an international experience. Chinese negotiators cannot forget the century of humiliation when foreign armies exacted tribute from a prostrate China.Chinese leaders are extremely sensitive to the slightest implication of condescension and are apt to translate American insistence as lack of respect.
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; p0 F( B6 }6 Q( ~North Korea provides a good example of differences in perspective. America is focused on the proliferation of nuclear weapons. China,which in the long run has more to fear from nuclear weapons there than we, in addition emphasizes propinquity. It is concerned about the turmoil that might follow if pressures on nonproliferation lead to the disintegration of the North Korean regime. America seeks a concrete solution to a specific problem. China views any such outcome as a midpoint in a series of interrelated challenges,with no finite end, about the future of Northeast Asia.For real progress, diplomacy with Korea needs a broader base. TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。/ r8 O) A- l$ g+ `  R
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Americans frequently appeal to China to prove its sense of "international responsibility" by contributing to the solution of a particular problem. The proposition that China must prove its bona fides is grating to a country that regards itself as adjusting to membership in an international system designed in its absence on the basis of programs it did not participate in developing. TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。' b. u: r! |  r9 G5 V% X  o3 s; I
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。, }1 C* d- B4 I+ q( n$ A2 U: Q6 [
While America pursues pragmatic policies, China tends to view these policies as part of a general design. Indeed, it tends to find a rationale for essentially domestically driven initiatives in terms of an overall strategy to hold China down. The test of world order is the extent to which the contending can reassure each other. In the American-Chinese relationship, the overriding reality is that neither country will ever be able to dominate the other and that conflict between them would exhaust their societies. Can they find a conceptual framework to express this reality? A concept of a Pacific community could become an organizing principle of the 21st century to avoid the formation of blocs. For this, they need a consultative mechanism that permits the elaboration of common long-term objectives and coordinates the positions of the two countries at international conferences. 公仔箱論壇3 ]6 I9 V3 s7 K0 U9 @" L$ f
The aim should be to create a tradition of respect and cooperation so that the successors of leaders meeting now continue to see it in their interest to build an emerging world order as a joint enterprise.




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